Ibadi Tafsir with Special Reference to the Tafsirs of Hud al-Huwwarl and Sa'id ibn Ahmad al-Kindi

 

This thesis is an analysis of Ibadi Tafsir with special reference to the Tafsirs of Hud ibn Muhakkam al-Huwwari and Sa'id ibn Ahmad al-Kindi. Although some research has already been done on the Ibadi movement, little attention has been paid to their tafsir.

     The introduction gives a general account of the Ibadi movement and its relationship with the Kharijites. This is followed by two sections dealing with Ibadi tafsir. The first examines the Tafsir of Hud al-Huwwari beginning with a general account of his life and homeland. Chapters Two and Three discuss Hud's method of using al-ma'thur (the Qur'an, hadiths and comments of the Companions) and the Qur'anic sciences (Meccan and Madinan verses, occasions of revelation, abrogation and the Qur'anic readings) to explain the Qur'anic verses. The discussion then moves to the main theological issues such as the attributes of Allah, the sighting of Allah and the promise and threat on which the Ibadis have their own views. Chapter Five describes some judgements of jurisprudence represented by Hud, with special attention to Ibadi references. The final chapter in this part discusses the isra'iliyyat in Hud's Tafsir, stating the acceptable views on this matter.

     The second section deals with al-Kindi's Tafsir and consists of two chapters. The first concentrates on tafsir bi al-riwaya, including al-ma'thur, Qur'anic sciences and theological issues. The second chapter is devoted to linguistic matters.

     The thesis ends with a comparison between the two Tafsirs, followed by a conclusion outlining the general results of this research.

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The Contributions of Ibadi Scholars in the 6th Century AH/12th Century AD in Warjalan, Algeria to the Maturity of Islamic Theology

 

The 6th century AH/12th century AD saw a vibrant scientific movement in doctrinal research by Ibadi scholars in Warjalan, southern Algeria. They produced distinctive works outlining their scholastic vision in a coherent format, focusing on three main areas: explaining the fundamentals of true Islam, defending its principles and rejecting doubts from false religions and ancient philosophies; discussing the views of various Islamic schools on major and subtle theological issues, showing the Ibadi approach in addressing them; and formulating concise doctrinal systems stating Ibadi positions on all disputed matters. Their methods in the science of belief were diverse, including the educational, critical, argumentative, questioning, comparative and dialogical, cumulative, and analytical-explanatory approaches, all aimed at clarification and persuasion.

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Reconstructing Early Ibāḍī Theology in North Africa: The influence of ʿAbdallāh b. Yazīd al-Fazārī

This paper seeks to re-examine previous comparative work done on one of North Africa’s most important Ibāḍī theological texts, al-Radd ʿalā al-Jahālāt, through the wider lens of the development of Ibāḍī theology and Ibāḍī creedal literature in North Africa. More specifically, this paper will look at the influence of the key text Kitāb al-Tawḥīd by the Ibāḍī theologian ʿAbdullah b. Yazīd al-Fazārī on a wide range of theological discussions that took place in the process of the formation of Ibāḍī creeds, and specifically on Kitāb al-Tawḥīd’s influence on the text of al-Radd ʿalā al-Jahālāt. That work will enable us to draw firmer conclusions on al-Fazārī’s place in the different debates between opposing Ibāḍī camps in North Africa during the period of Ibadi formation, and from there on through the centuries.

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Living Peaceful Coexistence in Oman

Mohammed Said al Mamari

Advisor, Minister’s Office

Ministry of Endowments

and Religious Affairs, Muscat

 

Whenever people find out that I am from Oman, I have been asked the following questions:

What makes Oman special? Why don’t we hear much about Oman in the news or social media?

     To answer these questions one has to look into the specific values, traditions and political visions of the Sultanate of Oman.

     In this one world, where people of different backgrounds, ethnicity, cultures and religions are living together, where societies have become multicultural and full of diversity, establishing harmony has become crucial, and fostering peaceful coexistence has become vital.

     In October 2003, H.E. Mr. Yousef Bin Alawi Bin Abdullah, the Minister Responsible for Foreign Affairs, addressed his speech to the 58th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, in which he stated the importance to conduct efforts “in the service of humanity and for the safety and security of the international community”. He stated:

     “Security and stability are a blessing. Under this blessing peoples can devote all their time and energy to building and development in all areas of life, and direct all their moral and material resources to create prosperity and advancement. That is why one of the most important duties of the state is to guarantee security and stability so that their peoples may live and have the peace of mind to be able to work, produce, build and reconstruct. But if security is disturbed and stability is shaken, what will ensue will be chaos and destruction.”

     Without peaceful coexistence the lasting peace of nations cannot be preserved, and a common ground between people cannot be established.

     Lack of coexistence leads the way to violence, and it destroys the peace and stability of mankind. When people or even nations fail in their dialogue they become intolerant, and then they use force and aggression to support their opinion.

     The Middle East is faced with many challenges: political, economic, social and religious. These challenges must not cause us to react with anger but with ambition. This region has exported one of the great world religions which to this day has shaped the values, choices and habits of millions of people. This region should now construct and promulgate a global paradigm for peace.

     For thousands of years Omanis have traded in peace with other cultures. Politically Oman has open and trusted relationships with all countries, including those further afield: in Europe, North America, Africa and the Far East. This makes Oman the ideal standard bearer of the message calling for mutual understanding.

Mirren Gidda, a reporter covering terrorism, crime and security for Newsweek International, wrote:

     “Oman has managed to stay out of disputes, maintaining good relationships with Western allies and other Middle Eastern countries, including Iran. And it has managed to fend off threats from ISIS and other extremist groups. In 2015, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence at London’s King’s College found that not a single Omani had joined the more than 20,000 foreign fighters battling alongside ISIS.”

(https://www.newsweek.com/2017/02/10/oman-sultanqaboos-terrorism-isis-al-qaeda-548682.html)

She added:

     “The country’s efforts at staying out of the region’s wars have paid off. In November, the Sydney-based Institute for Economics and Peace released its annual Global Terrorism Index, which assesses the impact of terrorism on 163 countries on a scale of zero to 10. Just 34 countries scored zero. Oman was the only country in the Middle East among that grouping. (The U.S.’s and the U.K.’s scores hovered around 5.0.)” (https://www.newsweek. com/2017/02/10/oman-sultan-qaboos-terrorism-isis-alqaeda- 548682.html)

     The Sultanate is effectively handling all that is related to terrorism and sectarian intolerance. The Sultanate ratified the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism in 2011 and has set up a system for fighting money laundering and terrorist financing in 2002 in accordance with a Royal Decree.

     The philosophy of Islam is based on principles of religious tolerance and the avoidance of violence and conflict. Other religious views or models of interpretation must be respected. Prayers in the mosques throughout the country are conducted with Sunnis and Shiites side by side with Ibadhis. Sunnis and Shiites have always lived in harmony and accord with the Ibadhis, who have always been and continue to be the majority in Oman. The communal prayer to God knows no theological disputes. Everyone must answer for himself before God.

     The Basic Law of the State issued on 6th November 1996 and comprising 81 articles lays down a legal framework of reference governing the functions of the different authorities and separating their powers. It also affords safeguards to guarantee the freedom, dignity and rights of the individual. This historic document sets out Oman‘s system of government and the guiding principles behind the state‘s policies and also details public rights and duties. Regarding coexistence, many articles in the Basic Law guarantee it, such as:

Article (10)

The Political Principles:

Reinforcing ties of cooperation and reaffirming friendly relations with all states and nations on the basis of mutual respect, common interest, non-interference in the internal affairs and adherence to the international and regional charters and treaties and the generally recognized principles of international law conducive to the advancement of peace and security among states and nations.

 

Article (12)

The Social Principles

Justice, equality, and equal opportunities between Omanis are pillars of the Society guaranteed by the State. Collaboration and compassion are intimate bonds amongst the Citizens. The reinforcement of the national unity is a duty. The State shall prevent anything that might lead to division, discord or disruption of the national unity.

 

Article (17)

All Citizens are equal before the Law and share the same public rights and duties. There shall be no discrimination amongst them on the ground of gender, origin, colour, language, religion, sect, domicile, or social status.

 

Article (18)

Personal freedom is guaranteed according to the Law, and it is not permissible to arrest a person, search, detain, imprison, subject to residence detention, or restrict his freedom of residency or movement except in accordance with the provisions of the Law.

Article (35)

Every foreigner who is legally present in the Sultanate shall enjoy protection for himself and his property in accordance with the Law. He shall observe the values of the Society and respect the traditions and sentiments thereof.

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     There is nothing better than to spread messages of goodwill to all people. It is our strong belief that peace and stability can only be realised today in any society through dialogue and understanding. And we sincerely believe that by working together, we can achieve the goals of religious acceptance and peaceful coexistence, as stated by H.E. Sheikh Abdullah bin Mohammed Al-Salmi, Minister responsible for Endowments and Religious Affairs. He says:

     “We have three population groups on earth: the first, consisting of Christians, Jews and Muslims, who believe in one God and a holy book; the second, atheists, who have lost all confidence in religion; and the third group, representing a variety of religious and spiritual ideas. We endeavour to maintain a constructive and genuine dialogue with scholars and representatives of all these groups.”

     “The aim of the exchange is to reflect on the foundations of our thinking, a common morality and a common sense of justice. For only when we are aware of these similarities and they form a basis for our actions, while accepting cultural differences, will we and our children enjoy a peaceful future.”

     The Sultanate of Oman has been sharing its peaceful philosophy at home and abroad for centuries. Oman‘s Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs has been promoting dialogue among nations for decades with initiatives like the Oman International Jurisprudence Conferences, which focus only on the similarities within the Islamic schools of thoughts. More than 20 conferences in the last 25 years have been organized. The Al-Tafahom magazine, a quarterly Islamic intellectual review, is published by the Ministry of Awqaf and Religious Affairs and distributed in the Arab and Islamic worlds. The first issue was published in the winter of 2003. It contains academic articles by and for writers all over the world and from various intellectual orientations. It highlights the moderate trend in Islam in order to foster mutual understanding, and peaceful coexistence on a global scale.

     The Sultanate launched the exhibition “Tolerance, Understanding, Coexistence: Oman’s Message of Islam” in 2010 as one part of its comprehensive approach promoting these values. This was not a public relation campaign but a continuation of Oman’s long-standing tradition of conducting dialogue and commerce with diverse communities and cultures.

This exhibition has appeared in 125 cities in 37 countries since its inception in 2010. During the last ten years an international team has built a unique worldwide network, reaching almost all levels of society.

The 24 panels in this exhibition present aspects of a modern Arab country, and offers the visitor insights into the practice of Islam in daily life, an examination of contemporary Omani society and the role of women in society. The panels also highlight the long-standing tradition of peaceful coexistence between different faiths and ethnic communities, as evidenced by traveler’s reports over the centuries.

 

To conclude, it is important to emphasise the following points:

■ The peaceful coexistence in Oman has come about as a result of the mixture of a moderate yet orthodox interpretation of the religion, effective laws which guarantee and protect religious freedom, and the political will and effectiveness in dealing with terrorism and sectarian intolerance. The Omanis have consistently focused on building the nation while avoiding conflict and strife both at home and abroad.

■ The attitudes of Omanis towards other peoples is due to the centuries-old traditions of tolerance and acceptance of other cultures and belief systems. Omanis adhere to their own beliefs while at the same time treating others with respect.

■ The initiatives of the last decades are a necessary response to the effects on society of globalization. The teachings and traditional messages carried forward from Oman‘s past are diluted nowadays by modern media and are not reaching the younger generations. The custodians of Oman‘s traditions are now using new methods to inculcate old values.

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Mohamed Said Al-Mamari

is from Oman, has studied in the UK and Germany, and has a multicultural background. He has visited more than 60 countries, continues to accomplish his mission to support people in understanding each other and working together to build lasting peace. Al-Mamari is convinced that Tolerance can not be sustainable without strong mutual respect and open dialogue among people. Therefore, for many years he organized several initiatives and projects to enhance the Common Values which are shared by human beings. He works as Scientific Advisor to The Ministry of Awqaf and Religious Affairs, Oman, and is director of the global project “Tolerance, Understanding, Coexistence: Oman’s Message of Islam.”

 

 

Reference:

Living Peaceful Coexistence in Oman, by: Mohammed Said al Mamari . Towards United Values, Case Study Oman, page: 73-79

 

Traditional School Organisation and Religious Pedagogy in Oman. The Example of Shaykh Jāʿid b. Khamīs al-Kharūṣī and fiqh al-madrasa

This paper examines the relationship between Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and education. After an overview of the traditional educational system in Oman, it showcases the life and contributions of the Omani scholar Shaykh Jāʿid b. Khamīs al-Kharūṣī (d. 1237/1822) by providing an explanation and contextualisation of selected case studies from his book, “al-Madāris wa-amwāluhā wa-l-qawl fī al-muta ʿallimīn fīhā” (Schools and their Funding, and the Dictum on Those Learning in Them). This paper thus sheds light on a little-known aspect of the Islamic educational heritage that was a precursor to modern codes of school management and professional ethics. A key takeaway is the emphasis on the right of access to basic education for whoever is willing to learn. The guiding principle in these case studies is ensuring the benefit of students, and protecting them from harm.

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The Rights of Allah and the Rights of Mankind: Freedom and Responsibility

     It was after the 4th century AH that Muslim fuqaha’ (jurists) began discussing - or differentiating between - the rights of Allah, the rights of mankind and the rights that are common to both. By “the rights of Allah” they meant the Faith and the acts of worship that He is entitled to demand from the Believers, while “common rights” was understood to mean “al masalih al daruriyyah al khamsah”, or “the five essential interests” –that is to say, the right to life, religion, intellect, lineage and property. These common rights are applicable to societies in general and cover their protection and welfare under the Law. The “rights of mankind” are concerned with the way individuals deal with each other and how they handle and resolve disputes in Islamic society through goodwill and co-operation, a just judicial system and the application of political/legal ijtihad (interpretative judgement) and conciliation. All matters in this category come under the heading of “mankind’s rights”.

     There is a Great Covenant between Allah and His Believers which is actually a kind of spiritual and moral “debt obligation” and “trust” imposed upon mankind by the Creator. This is all clearly referred to – explicitly and implicitly – in the Qur’an, and in response man expresses his desire to discharge that “debt” and “trust” through his religion, his beliefs, his acts of worship, his values and his moral principles and behaviour. This leads to the creation of societies which place their trust in Allah, His religion, His security and His safe-keeping: “Who has fed them, [saving them] from hunger and made them safe, [saving them] from fear” (Qur’an: Quraish, verse 4), “This day I have perfected for you your religion and completed My Favour upon you, and approved for you Islam as religion” (Qur’an: Al Ma’idah, verse 3); “And remember Allah’s Favour upon you and His Covenant with which He bound you” (Qur’an: Al Ma’idah, verse 7).

     This Great Covenant generated a number of secondary pacts and covenants covering a range of areas including common and individual rights. Among these are the common rights that the fuqaha’ – as we mentioned earlier – described as “the essential interests” laid down clearly in Allah’s Shariah, which are considered to be vital for the continued survival of society and its overall security. They are: a person’s right to live in freedom and dignity from birth to death; his right to choose his religion of his own free will, along with its associated ethics, values and acts of worship; his right to possess and exercise the intellect which is entrusted to him (along with the conditions that will allow it to develop, mature and expand the horizons of its humanity while enjoying the freedom to choose its own belief system and contribute to the development of its society and the world; this is a matter of the greatest importance for man’s function as Allah’s vicegerent on earth and his role in helping promote progress and prosperity); his right to a family that enjoys due legal social and moral status under Islam, with progeny equipped and qualified to develop and improve their society; and (also within the same context) his right to own property acquired honestly and legitimately.

     Some modern fuqaha’ – such as al Tahir bin ‘Ashour and Alal al Fassi – maintain that freedom should also be included in the list of “essential interests” or rights. However, it seems to me that the first two (or three) interests – life, religion (and intellect) – are all contingent upon freedom; at the very least, the intellect and belief must be recognized as “human necessities for man and his freedom”. It is also my opinion that the major Qur’anic values of mercy, dignity, justice, “ta‘aruf” (“getting to know each other”) and the public good are all intimately associated with freedom and human welfare and development, and that they are also “darurat” (“essentials”) shared in common between Allah and His human creation. (He loves them and they love Him.) It is through these qualities and His Shariah that Allah – Glory be to Him – guides mankind and provides them with His boundless care and protection in this world and the next.

     The arrival of the modern age has had a significant impact upon mankind’s rights. It is clear that when they are referred to in modern organisations, “rights” mean the same as they do in normal everyday parlance, and that people expect their institutions and governments to guarantee and promote them in the interests of humanity and its cherished values.

     In fact these rights occupy the same position in fiqh (jurisprudence), the Law and ethics as the “common rights” we mentioned earlier. The early Muslims had two approaches to them: theological and jurisprudential. The theologians saw the issue as entailing a kind of tension between Allah and mankind. In their view issues of freedom and the creation of actions were necessary and inevitable – a position they based on the argument of Divine Justice and the idea that the relationship between Allah and man is not one of justice or injustice and forbearance; rather, it is a relationship of mercy, dignity, vicegerence and freedom. Meanwhile, the fuqaha’ claimed that these “rights” (or “darurat”) were natural and instinctive qualities, since the intellect is an instinct shared by the whole of humanity and part of that “fitrah” (natural disposition) with which Allah has endowed all human creatures. In his book Al Muwafaqat (Reconciliation of the Fundamentals of the Shariah) al Shatibi (d. 790 AH) stated that those rights are “observed in every community and creed” because the intellect is an element of man’s natural disposition.             

     Here we are not seeking to revive the old debate over the precedence of mercy over justice (or vice-versa), but rather to reveal the pitfalls resulting from the view that religion (rather than the social, cultural or political powers that be) is an obstacle to people’s exercise of their rights, because those rights are incompatible with the Divine Law on one question or another.

     Yes. It is true that the provisions of the Shariah may conflict with an issue connected with this or that appetite or desire, but this is because in the present day there are numerous desires that are unjust. However, the Shariah cannot possibly be incompatible with any of the basic, natural principles of human rights and dignity. Nor will we ever find any of these basic rights in conflict with the moral values of the Qur’an or man’s “darurat” (“essentials”), “hajiyat” (“needs”) or “tahsinat” (“complementary interests which contribute to the improvement of human life”).

     Two powerful trends can be seen in the world of today, including its Muslim societies. One of them is concerned with individual rights, while the other seeks to promote a return to religion and traditional morality. Some people regard the two (individual rights and religious rights) as being mutually incompatible, and it is true that different social groups have their own different priorities; some see individual rights as being more important, while others attach greater importance to religious rights. However, the two issues are intimately connected because religion too (or perhaps we should say religion primarily) is a “right and a freedom”, or “a right to a freedom”, so it seems to me that any clash that may occur is an incidental one rather than a permanent - or “fundamental” - state of affairs and while it is “happening” we would do well to remain prudent and reasonable. As we pointed out earlier, the defining characteristics of our societies are mutual trust, understanding, respect and co-operation, and when the younger generation try to enjoy their personal rights, they do not seek conflict with religion but rather a genuine role in charting the future of their communities. Indeed, most of them regard religion as being on their side in their struggle.

     In the Middle Ages questions of this kind – i.e. relations with the ruling authorities – used to be dealt with as “Shariah political” issues; that is to say, as issues concerning how individuals and groups should respond to problems of public concern in a way that will ensure that the people’s situation is “aqrab li’l salah wa ab‘ad ‘ani’l fasad” (“nearer to probity and further from corruption”). Matters of this kind were traditionally settled through a range of ijtihad remedies including, where appropriate, mutual consultation and the judicial system.

     In modern times other lines of approach have been adopted which would have been unfamiliar to our ancestors. They include the creation of civil society bodies and organisations dedicated to resolving questions of individual and collective rights with the participation of all the parties concerned, though without coming into conflict with the authorities or allowing things to get out of hand. In this situation the religious and civil approaches to individual rights and public participation are inseparable, and this fact should determine the way we see matters related to rights. Indeed, we have a moral obligation to look at them in this way.

     In the previous issue of Al Tafahom we examined the philosophy of rights in the ancient and modern religions and schools of philosophy. In this issue we intend to focus specifically on economic, social, cultural and political rights.

     We ask Allah to grant us success in our endeavours.

 

Reference:

The Rights of Allah and the Rights of Mankind: Freedom and Responsibility, by: Abdullah bin Muhammad al Salimi, Al-Tafahom Magazine, issue number 13/2017.

 

The Omani Experience of Multi-religious Coexistence and Dialogue: A Historical Approach to the Omani Principles and its Luminous Examples

In a world that is increasingly hostile towards religious minorities, this paper tries to set a modern-day, successful example of multi-religious coexistence and interfaith dialogue. The paper examines historical examples derived from Omani history and explores Omani characteristics by surveying Western reports written by missionaries, visitors, and travellers of different religions in Oman. This is meant to demonstrate the hypothesis that the multi-religious coexistence and interfaith dialogue enjoyed today by the nearly four-million Omani population is a natural result of a long history of commitment to ‘Omani values’ and principles, practised by Oman’s Ibāḍī population with their fellow nonMuslims. The paper concludes that there is a strong correlation between the ‘Omani values’ recorded by the Western writers and the ongoing deeply rooted Omani experience of peaceful religious coexistence and interfaith dialogue. These ‘Omani values’ include the principles of tolerance, social justice, mutual respect, friendliness, hospitality, and simplicity. Finally, owing to the increasingly rising tensions between adherents of different religions, the paper recommends that such successful Omani experiences should be exported to other countries in the Muslim world and elsewhere.

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Maawali, Al Muatasim. 2021. “The Omani Experience of Multi-Religious Coexistence and Dialogue: A Historical Approach to the Omani Principles and Its Luminous Examples ”. Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 11 (1), 59-78. https://doi.org/10.32350/jitc.111.04.

Poetic Anthology of Ibāḍī Theology. Historical Readings of Ibn al-Naẓar’s al-Daʿāʾim and its Commentaries

This study focuses on the significance of the Dīwān al-Daʿāʾim (Pillars) – an anthology of poetry by Abū Bakr Aḥmad b. Sulaymān b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Aḥmad b. al-Khiḍr b. Sulaymān, known after the name of his clan as Ibn al-Naẓar. The anthology presents poems steeped in Ibāḍī theology and doctrine. However, rather than focusing on those aspects, this study intends to analyse commentaries on the Dīwān from a historical angle so as to obtain a general picture of the ideas supporting it, as well as the questions it has raised at various times over the centuries since it was written. The commentaries on al-Daʿāʾim reveal a centuries-long intellectual interaction between Oman and North Africa (which lasted from the time they first appeared right up to the last century), as well as the close ties which existed between the eastern and western Ibāḍī schools. Al-Daʿāʾim was regarded as a significant work and it – together with its commentaries ‒ is indeed a unique example of Omani scholarship.

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Transgressing the Powers of the Imam and its Impact on the Authority and Influence of the Imamate until (280 AH/893 AD)

This study examines the transgression of the powers of the Imam and its impact on the authority and influence of the Imamate from the establishment of the first Ibadi Imamate until the end of the second Imamate (132-280 AH / 579-893 AD). For the purpose of this study, “transgression of powers” means the individual and collective practices in the various levels of power aimed at transgressing the power of the Imams and opposing their policy. We should take into account the factors behind their transgression of the authority of the Imamate, as these practices were not linked only to the period of political unrest, but were even seen in the eras of power and glory of the Imamate.

The study consists of three main sections. The first topic focuses on the fluctuation of the power of the Imam and its relation to transgressing his power. The second topic discusses the transgression of the powers of the Imam during the first Ibadi Imamate (132-134 AH). The last topic sheds light on examples of transgressing the power of the Imam during the second Ibadi Imamate (177-280 AH).

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The Critique Of Hadith in Early IbadI Literature

This article is a study of the composition of Prophetic traditions in the early Ibadi epistles, recently published under the title Ibadi Texts from the 2nd/8th Century. The article will focus mainly on the 14 texts published therein, as well as the epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan., This approach is an attempt to understand the functions of how Prophetic traditions circulated among Muslim groups during the early years of Islam up to the mid-2^nd/8^th century.

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Re-Evaluating the Notion of Isrâ and Mi’râj in Ibadi Tradition

The notion of mi’râj (the heavenly journey of Prophet Muhammad) is an important non-homogenic topic, although it is not often handled in Ibadi intellectual, s¯ırah (biography of the Prophet) and exegetical traditions. In this article, we analyse the treatment of the subject chronologically in the Ibadi tradition. We discuss the Ibadis’ main concerns on the subject, how they differ, what inferences they make from the related verses, s¯ırah, hadith and exegetical (tafsir) reports, and most importantly whether they accept the notion of mi’râj. This article analyses the notion of isrâ because of its close relationship to mi’râj. In summary, there are variations on the issue of mi’râj among the North African and Omani Ibadis. Even more interesting is the existence of significant nuances among the Omani Ibadis. In short, while all North African Ibadis accept mi’raj as an event, it is observed that some Omani Ibadis accept it, while others sometimes reject it for religious and sometimes rational grounds.

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Concept and Historical Process

     Backed up by reference to texts and historical events, there is an analysis common in western political and cultural circles of the Muslim relationship with the modern state. It argues that most Muslims reject the state and the demands of citizenship. The argument further asserts that Muslims reject the equality of others and the need to find a modus vivendi with them, be that within societies whose majority is Muslim or any other. This assertion rests upon the perception that ‘citizenship’ in Islam is still a matter for debate at least with respect to how it is defined and whether it really belongs within the Muslim frame of reference.

     Hamilton Gibb who first put forward the thesis that Islam has no notion of ‘state’. State structures that came into being under Islam bore the names of the families who ruled them — the Umayyads, the ‘Abbâsids, the Fâtimids, the Ottomans, etc. Frontiers were not seen as defining sovereignty or nation; borders were used to define land tax (kharâj) and the alms tax (zakât) that could be collected. The land area of the state and its sovereign control, therefore, did not define a legally recognized citizenry. Furthermore, the interaction between those living within it was governed by religious and denominational distinctions. Therefore [non-Muslims] were subject to the religious head tax (jizyah). People’s loyalty was not attached to the state so much as it was governed by emotional and sectarian considerations.

     Sometimes this debate is blatant and at other times subtle, but Islamic revivalism has latched onto these principles elevating them to the level of theological teaching and dogma. Once the idea of the Caliphate was accepted and agreed upon as a political structure it was transformed into a matter fundamental to religion. Other ideas of the early Islamic periods, like the Muslim ‘commonwealth’ (ummah) and jihâd and others, have received a religious patina and been given ideological status at least among certain Islamic political parties.

     Clearly this has had an ongoing negative impact particularly upon Muslims who emigrate. They find themselves compromised with respect to their loyalties to the countries to which they have emigrated. Their sense of citizenship is rendered unstable by reason of their distressed perspective on the world and the people around them. God Almighty has said, “Whoever slaughters a soul save in response to murder or for sowing the earth with corruption, it is as though that person had killed all people; whoever saves a life, it is as though he gave life to all people.” (Qur’ân, Sûrah 5:32)

     In the first instance we note that the issue of citizenship, be that from a constitutional or a legal perspective, is a modern conundrum introduced by the nation state in its current international guise. But the principles it promotes — equality, rights, and reciprocal responsibilities that pay no attention to religion, or race, or doctrine, or political affiliation — these are bedrock Islamic principles supported by texts and the historical record. The word of God Almighty, as recorded in the Holy Qur’ân, speaks of truth and justice. The Holy Qur’ân reports that the Almighty created the human being as one soul and, from that soul, created its partner. Equality, therefore, is the rule governing human origins and human values, not least of all between man and woman. In Muslim society, as in all human societies, there are social, political and economic gradations. But there is no pyramid! There is no distinction in dignity or in justice. Human dignity is anchored in what the Holy Qur’ân says about the roots of the human person. This applies also to the innate value of the human being and to human rights. When the hypocrites said to the Muslims, their compatriots in the city of Madînah, ‘If we come back to Madînah, the strong will drive out the weak!’ the Holy Qur’ân answered that strength belongs to God, to his Prophet, and to the faithful. These are those, according to the Holy Qur’ân and according to the Prophet’s own witness, committed to upholding dignity and freedom.

     Human equality, so dignified by the text of the Holy Qur’ân, has been a powerful force in Islam’s worldwide mission. The folk of religious insight (fuquhâ’) see the People of the Book [Jews and Christians] as belonging to ‘the Muslim fold’ (dâr-ul-islâm). In modern terms that might be rendered, they have the rights of citizens. It is a recurring refrain, with regard to the people of the covenant (ahl-ud-dhimmah) in the peace treaties following conquests, ‘They have what we have; they are held to account in the same way we are.’ The experience of the Muslim state expanded to include within its embrace people other than the People of the Book — Zoroastrians, Buddhists, and Hindus. Most of the religious scholars entered them into the lists of Peoples of the Book as regards rights and responsibilities.

     This has implied several things. First, ‘there is no compulsion in religion.’ They are free to hold to their religion, pray and conduct their religious observances. These are guaranteed under the law of Muslim society. Second, human freedom will be protected, including the freedom of expression and action. Third, there is the right to own property and to travel. Fourth, social security in the Muslim state embraces even the non-Muslim poor. They all benefit from the proceeds of the alms tax (not just from the treasury of the state as such). It is unreasonable to expect, in the long course of history, that everything will have conformed to the ideal, but through most of our normative history there were no policies laid down to discriminate between Muslims and non-Muslims. True, there remain issues outstanding that have to do with laws of personal status, evangelistic witness and payment the head tax (jizyah). We do not think these will prevail against the principle of citizenship so long as freedoms, commitments, and mutual bonds remain intact.

     All of this means that the state in the Muslim social context is an administrative and political instrument for a society that is pluralistic in religion and also with regard to the whole gamut of political, social and cultural tastes. The state, therefore, looks upon its constituents with a watchful eye toward equality and commitment. Neutrality in this regard does not mean that the state pays no attention to religion (as may be the case in some of Europe’s systems). On the contrary, it means that it is committed — as is required by its position of Islamic trust — to preserve religious freedom, to strengthen that which is ethical and those values that sustain social stability, security, well-being, accountability, and the rights of its individuals and groups.

     The notion of citizenship has a specific and individual dimension that is the person’s own. But that personal significance is incarnated within society, a body politic and a state that has the responsibility to care for its citizens. It begins with a sense of neighborhood and a willingness to show respect. Within the dynamic of social interaction through civil society, it funnels into the effort to develop cooperation that is founded upon equality and universal justice. This all is rationalized under the umbrella of the state, its executive agencies, and its benign oversight. You cannot pull apart these interlocking circles, individual tribal, provincial, ideological or religious predilections notwithstanding. This is because citizenship is founded upon a shared language and history that conspires to defend the homeland and shoulder the responsibility to protect it.

     Citizenship is not established through rendering the people docile. It must cross-pollinate with the identity the migrants in the cause of coexistence. Diversity and pluralism are the hallmarks of civilized society. But all of that returns to a sense of common direction.

     As for interaction with non-citizens or those not subject to the regulations of the state, the well-known qur’ânic verse in the Sûrah of ‘The Stones’ applies: “O people, we created you, male and female, and formed you into peoples and tribes so that you might come to know each other.” (Qur’ân, Sûrah 49:13) This brings us back to the common root of humankind. Each person has the same value. Subsequent differentiations on the basis of gender or social status do not contradict that common root but, perversely, confirm it. In the end we will come to know one another. What that means is that we will recognize each other as individuals, as people with opinions, beliefs, predilections and personal interests. First and foremost, we will recognize each other under the rubric of the one notion of human dignity. If human relations within Muslim society and beyond rest upon reciprocal knowledge and recognition, there remains no space for major conflicts except on the basis of two conditions that the Holy Qur’ân defines: “God does not restrict relations between you and those who show you no violence because of your religion or who do not drive you from you homes. You may declare them innocent and deal fairly with them.” (Qur’ân, Sûrah 60:8) Therefore there are two main threats to Islam throughout the world. They are, on the one hand, oppression and imperialism and, on the other, discrimination and religious, cultural and racial persecution. These are two things that, in dignity, honorable and lofty-minded human nature must reject. No Muslim and not any person with a sense of his or her worth can tolerate them. Events in our new and modern world and all its institutions seem founded upon these two problems: the usurpation of property (imperialism) and religious, racial and gender discrimination.

     If this is the situation, then why are Muslims so concerned about the issue of citizenship? Indeed, why does this issue so preoccupy others throughout the world? The problem does not have only one source. The world at large has to bear much of the responsibility for what we suffer in our land, as well as for the emergence of extremism. We, ourselves, must bear a great deal of responsibility for misunderstanding how we relate to others and to each other. Ours alone is the responsibility for those extremist expressions that deny the ‘other’. And that’s not just limited to calumnies against Muslims and non-Muslims. After all we have both rights and responsibilities. What we want for ourselves, for our societies and for our world at large is that we may, competently and responsibly, be enabled to rise to the challenges of accountability and move forward so that we may claim our rights.

 

Reference:

Concept and Historical Process, by: Abdullah bin Muhammad al Salimi, Al-Tafahom Magazine, issue number 03/2008.